Revolutionary-Humanism and the Anti-Capitalist struggle. 1
This is the title of a book dealing with the corruption of the revolutionary humanism of Karl Marx and others, by the sectarian dogmatists who claimed to be following his theories and humanist values. The accompanying short article will give an overview of the book and details of how to obtain a copy.
There have been many struggles against the capitalist system and a number of attempts at constructing an alternative post-capitalist society. All have ultimately failed to seriously dent the capitalist system, let alone permanently supersede it. This has led many people to reject the possibility, or alternatively, to seek new and different ways to oppose capital or go beyond it. Yet in seeking new ways there is always a danger of overlooking the lessons of the past. There is also the ever present danger of throwing the baby out with the bathwater. The book therefore, seeks to help the reader understand the past struggles against the capitalist system. It endeavours to forewarn those who are now involved in the anti-capitalist struggle, against being led down further dead-ends. It also attempts to inform and assist those who wish to oppose splits and divisions within the anti-capitalist movement caused by the adoption of sectarian positions and dogmatic proposals.
Part 1 considers the whole question of sectarianism. This analysis is essential for the future development of the anti-capitalist struggle. Sectarian anti-capitalist groups will continue to seriously hinder, undermine and demoralise any present and future anti-capitalist struggles, if their behavior is not understood and countered. Their own individualist, elitist, hierarchical agenda, hidden under a rhetoric of post-revolution equality, will ensure this outcome. The first chapter, therefore, starts by constructing a detailed profile and list of typical sectarian characteristics. A working knowledge of this chapter will help the reader to detect, oppose and hopefully isolate sectarian methods in any of the many forms in which they manifest themselves. One of the problems with identifying and effectively dealing with the past sectarianism within the anti-capitalist struggle has been the lack of a comprehensive definition. The first chapter tries to remedy that deficiency. Chapter 2 examines what sectarianism looks like once the sectarians have managed to get hold of state power. It illustrates how the sectarian characteristics identified in chapter 1 manifest themselves on that larger scale. I feel this review is important because some people tend to think that sectarians are nothing more than a mild or ridiculous irritation that can be ignored because they will cause no great harm. Given the right circumstances for their development, nothing could be further from the truth. This chapter outlines this fact and entails a brief look at one of the most shameful and terrifying episodes in the international anti-capitalist struggle. It indicates the outcome of such a struggle in which the guiding participants lacked a firm revolutionary-humanist perspective and philosophy. Chapter 3, in Part one examines a series of left sectarian groups which over the last 50 years, claimed to be ‘the’ leadership in the struggle against the capitalist system. By using the characteristics identified in chapter 1 it is possible to see by their own example how and why these groups failed to play a positive role in the struggle against capital. This also serves to demonstrate how any present or future sectarian groups are likely to operate within the coming anti-capitalist struggles. This chapter reaches the conclusion that sectarian characteristics are mostly deep-seated - and will be maintained by most sectarians - in spite of everything! The type of people and groups in question will continue with such sectarian practices until the individuals within the groups themselves are effectively isolated or undergo a profoundly revolutionary change in their thought processes and habits.
Part 2 critically examines the attempts to set up an alternative post-capitalist society in Russia after the October 1917 revolution. Thus chapter 4 describes as fairly as possible, and using Lenin’s own words, what he and the Bolsheviks were trying to do in the aftermath of the successful October insurrection. On the basis of the description in chapter 4 , chapter 5 analyses the mistakes and the source of the mistakes of Lenin and the Bolsheviks, from the standpoint of the working classes and the oppressed peasants. Major parts of these mistakes are to be found in the top-down centralised planning of the system of production and in the sectarian agenda of Bolshevik party politics. Chapter 6 continues this analysis by examining the role of Leon Trotsky. This is done because many past, and a number of contemporary anti-capitalists consider that Trotsky’s attempt to build a Left Opposition and then Fourth International after Stalin came to power, was ‘the’ way to lead the future anti-capitalist struggle. The author considers that this Trotskyist viewpoint has failed to distinguish the connection between the sectarian and elitism of Stalin and the sectarianism and the elitism of Trotsky. These two personalities representing both sides of the same elitist and sectarian coin, even if one side (the Stalinist) was intent on becoming more tarnished than the other. The final chapter in Part 2 looks at the range of ideas contained within Marx’s writings which deal with the role of ideas, politics and the working classes in the anti-capitalist struggle. It is this chapter in particular that seeks to uncover the explicit revolutionary-humanism contained within the anti-capitalism of Marx. It concludes from this examination that Marx was not a Marxist (as Marx himself was to state) but on the contrary a revolutionary-humanist. In the opinion of the author he was also one of the highest calibre who made many sacrifices for the anti-capitalist cause. Yet despite this he has been frequently distorted and vilified by his enemies and repeatedly betrayed by his so-called disciples. This chapter concludes that the concept of politics and power , even revolutionary politics and power is part of the problem and not part of the solution.
Part 3 explores the opposition between the essence of humanity and the system of capitalist production. In particular, chapter 8, looks at the natural phenomena of beneficial association, or co-operation, between most life forms, including those human groups existing outside of the development of civilisations. It finds that beneficial association, endo-symbiosis and symbiosis are essential features of all forms of life and that where these are adopted undoubted evolutionary advantages accumulate. This particular chapter also concludes that positive reciprocal exchange was the normal method of human interaction in what are now known as ‘primitive’ societies. It also proposes that this original and developing essence of humanity (beneficial associations with positive reciprocity) has been distorted by negative reciprocal exchanges imposed by the armed rulers of civilised states and that the rule of capital continues the imposition of this negative reciprocity. Chapter 9 gives a brief sketch of Marx’s analysis of the economic functioning of the capitalist system. It concentrates on providing an understanding of how surplus value is extracted from the labours of working people throughout the world and how this finishes up in the pockets and bank accounts of the capitalist class and their supporters. The chapter also tries to give an appreciation of just how large the surplus is, and contrasts this with the pro-capitalist perspective on reducing the social expenditure costs of pensions, health provision and education. Chapter 9 closes with a description of the factors that can still lead to economic crisis and collapse under the present capitalist system. Chapter 10, provides an abbreviated review of the many negative effects of the capitalist system of production upon human beings, the environment and other life forms. It argues that the pursuit of the profit motive ensures that these effects and others cannot be effectively curtailed and will always emanate in one way or another from the capitalist system of production, distribution and exchange.
Part 4 explores the possibility of change in the capitalist system. Chapter 11 traces previous attempts to modify some of the effects of the capitalist system by parliamentary or other legislative reforms and describes the illusion of reformism and how it arises. It argues that anti-capitalists need to consider the whole network of capitalist power relations and not just the legislative arenas provided as functional window dressing. Since many anti-capitalists, myself included, consider that the effects of the capitalist system of production can only be removed by the revolutionary transformation of the capitalist system itself, chapter 12 looks at the question of revolution. The chapter briefly surveys four past revolutions in England, North America, France and Russia and attempts to indicate how and why revolutions occur. It tries to present an antidote to the voluntarism of much of the sectarian left who often seem to think that anti-capitalist revolution is something a few thousand people can create if they all join one revolutionary group or party and work hard enough to undermine the capitalist system. It is demonstrated that this is complete nonsense. At the same time chapter 12 provides some criteria by which to judge whether or not a revolutionary situation really exists within any future struggle or large-scale protest/rebellion against the rule of capital. The concluding chapter draws together many of the strands examined in the book and suggests a number of ways forward in the struggle against the destructive rule of capital and for a better, more caring post-capitalist society. Revolutionary anti-capitalists are invited to cast off their typecast ‘labels’ which often stem from an outdated and discredited past and now serve only to divide the struggle. It makes the case for anti-capitalists to consider themselves as revolutionary-humanists and to non-dogmatically bring both aspects, revolution and humanism - to every struggle against capital and its effects. It also argues against sectarian and elitist concept s of leaders and led and for the concept of ‘facilitator’ in the struggle against capital and in the construction of any future alternative form of society.
Hard copies of the full book can be obtained by request to royratcliffe@yahoo.com
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